theradicalchild: (Soviet Navy Bear Reading)
Pedagogy of the Oppressed: 50th Anniversary EditionPedagogy of the Oppressed: 50th Anniversary Edition by Paulo Freire
My rating: 4 of 5 stars

Though I considered myself far-right before I was registered to vote and voted in elections, I had doubts given the alarmism of conservative journalists like Robert Novak and the toxicity of Republicans in general--particularly their overreactions to leftist slander and propagating it instead of just ignoring it or biting back, forgetting it's their constitutional right to say things like that. In recent years, I've looked into classical philosophers, finding that most of my favorite quotes were actually spoken by leftists and even socialists like Karl Marx. Another one I looked into is Paulo Freire, whose magnum opus Pedagogy of the Oppressed I gave a gander, as I am of an "oppressed" group (autistics), and whose quote, "The oppressed, instead of striving for liberation, tend themselves to become oppressors," really resounded in me and has occurred countlessly in history with nations like America and Soviet Russia.

The 50th anniversary edition, penned by Donaldo Macedo, takes numerous shots at the "Far Right"--though most leftist American politicians use this label on those even slightly to the right of them--but he does denounce many leftists falling prey to consumerism and Massachusetts Senator Elizabeth Warren boasting about her indigenous heritage. He elaborates on Paulo Freire's life, but suggests it's bad to not teach children they're being oppressed, which figures into modern Woke indoctrination. Macedo rightfully notes how the Red Cross did nothing for Haitians devastated by natural disasters, mentions collateral damage in war, and concludes by saying that leftist and rightist educators conceal their consumerism.

Freire's preface denounces sectarianism, being too attached to sects or parties, especially religions, and says that Christians and Marxists would disagree with him, the philosopher himself being a Christian socialist. Both the Left and the Right are guilty of sectarianism, with liberation being a task for radicals.

Freire says that the oppressed must liberate themselves and their oppressors, although their fear of freedom and division often divides them, both oppressed and oppressors sometimes being in solidarity. Pedagogy is humanist and libertarian, with liberation having two stages: unveiling the world of oppression, and then making liberation a pedagogy of all. The oppressors often dehumanize others and in turn themselves, with real humanists being more identified by their trust in people than a thousand actions without trust. At all stages, the oppressed must see themselves as fully human.

He elaborates on the concept of banking education, which gives knowledge to people assumed to know nothing. Oppressors try to be humanitarian to dominate, human life holds meaning through communication, and oppression can be necrophilic. Education should be the practice of freedom, with problem-posing education basing itself on creativity. Trying to be more human, however, can result in a bigger ego and sense of dehumanization.

Freire states that dialogue is a human phenomenon, idle chatter becoming verbalism, an “alienating blah.” Dialogue needs humility, founding itself as well upon love and faith, becoming a horizontal relationship of which mutual trust between coversers is the logical consequence. Only critically-thought dialogue requires critical thinking, without which there is no communication, without which there can be no true education. Educators and politicians often don’t adapt their language to the situations of the people that they address. Epochs are characterized by complex ideas, concepts, hopes, doubts, values, and challenges when people interact with their opposites. People need to split coded situations, thematic investigators fearing change and believing it death, and codifications must represent real-life situations.

Animals are immersed in the world, with human activity being a praxis, a transformation of the world, revolutionary leaders devitalizing if they don’t think like others. The myth of absoluting ignorance implies the existence of people who decree others’ ignorance.

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Freire proceeds to discuss the theories of antidialogical and dialogical action, the first being conquest, where antidialogical individuals try to conquer the oppressed.

The second is divide and rule, where oppressors divide minorities, the oppressors not favoring promoting communities as a whole but rather selected leaders. In addition, the oppressed know from experience the price of not accepting invitations offered with the purpose of preventing their unity as a class--losing their jobs and finding their names on a blacklist, where signifying closed doors to other jobs is the least that can happen. A psychoanalysis of oppressive action might reveal the false generosity of oppressors as a dimension of their sense of guilt, with which they attempt not only to preserve an unjust and necrophilic order but to buy peace for themself.

The third is manipulation, where the dominant elites try to conform the masses to their objectives. The greater the political immaturity of the oppressed, rural or urban, the more easily they can be manipulated by elites who do not wish to lose their power. One form is to give individuals the bourgeois appetite for personal success.

The fourth is cultural invasion, which, like divisive tactics and manipulation also serves the ends of conquest. Here, the invaders penetrate the cultural context of another group, disrespecting the latter’s potentialities. They impose their own view of the world upon those they invade and inhibit the creativity of the invaded by curbing their expression. Many well-intentioned professionals find their educational failures ascribed to their own violent “invasions” that can border on dehumanizing. A good determination of a developing society is that it is “being for itself.” Revolutionary leaders require their people’s adherence to carry out their uprisings. Revolutionary leaders differ from the dominant elite in not just objectives but procedures.

Freire proceeds to discuss subjects who conquer others and transforms them into “things,” cooperating to transform the world. He cites Ché Guevara and affirms that revolutions can love and create life.

Leaders must unite the oppressed as their oppressors keep them divided, and attempts to unify them based on activist slogans just juxtaposes individuals.

In antidialogical action, manipulation helps conquest and domination, whereas in dialogical, the organization of people does the exact opposite.

Cultural action is always systematic and deliberate, operating on social structure either to preserve that structure or transform it. In cultural synthesis, one can resolve the contradiction between the worldview of leaders and that of their people to benefit both. Oppressors elaborate their action without their people and stand against them. However, people that internalize the images of their oppressors construct the theory of their liberating action. Only by encountering revolutionary leaders, in communion, can people build their cultural synthesis.

The afterward notes that Freire helped advance democratic movement in Brazil, teaching illiterates to read and write in only forty hours of inexpensive instruction, Freire considering critical education in schools or social movements intellectually demanding and politically risky.

The 50th anniversary edition proceeds to various modern philosophers answering various questions about how modern schools based on Freire's philosophy would look, including Noam Chomsky, who believed that instruction should reject the notion of education as pouring water into vessels in favor of engaging students in active quests for understanding in faculty-student cooperative environments. Others such as Valerie Kinloch say that such schools would include open spaces for people to analyze current events and examine ways to combat oppression and inequality to dismantle racism, classism, sexism, inequality, and capitalism. Some like Peter McLaren complain about white supremacy, and Margo Okazawa-Rey say that neoliberalism and conservatism have engulfed colleges, but the reverse applies today given modern university indoctrination and suppression of campus speech, hence the oppressed becoming oppressors.

The 50th anniversary edition concludes with the foreword to the original version, focusing on the 1929 United States stock market crash that affected the world, Brazil included, with Freire's methods being alien at the time.

All in all, I enjoyed this book, even if the introduction was a bit off-putting at times (though it was fair and balanced), and Freire's philosophy really resonates with me as an autistic. His warning about the oppressed becoming oppressors definitely applies in the modern world, with many fringe groups seeking to force the general population to comply to their will and values--exacerbated by the Woke movement--but the oppressors and those who are genuinely oppressed (not those gaslit into believing they are) definitely need to communicate effectively, with bad dialogue being still the worst problem in the modern world. Overall, highly recommended read.

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theradicalchild: (Libertarian Socialist Star)
Libertarian Socialism: Politics in Black and RedLibertarian Socialism: Politics in Black and Red by Alex Prichard
My rating: 4 of 5 stars

Recently, I've been exploring different ideological texts because I believe there is good in any ideology and had gone through Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels' The Communist Manifesto, which was enjoyable and actually beautifully written, even if I didn't agree 100% with it. I would eventually learn of the existence of The Political Compass, which divided ideology into the Authoritarian Left and Right, and the Libertarian Left and Right. The quiz placed me in the Libertarian Left, which I found a bit surprising at the time, though then again, most of my favorite political quotes were spoken by leftists like Noam Chomsky, but at the same time I feel the logic of the Right is way better.

Libertarian Socialism: Politics in Black and Red opens with a preface indicating its aim to show the anarchist-Marxist schism the Bolshevik revolution made was neither final nor complete, with two main events attempting this niche ideology: the Zapatista uprising in Chiapas, Mexico in 1994 and the Rojava revolution that has been occurring since 2011. The introduction notes the book is about the combination of the ideals of anarchism and Marxism, focusing on their interrelationship, with Karl Marx presenting a historicized conception of nature that demonstrates human essence is changed through the process of revolutionary action.

Paul Blackledge argues that anarchist criticisms of Marx's statism bequeath themes from liberalism serving to halt the democratic aspirations of anarchism. All political systems in practice lead to the suppression of the ego, with social anarchists mediating it by mixing it with more social conceptions of human nature. Marx's revolutionary model was based on his recognition that worker unity could only be achieved through class struggle. Marx claimed that the Commune was antithetical to imperialism but a working-class government. Anarchism is understood as sitting at a political fork in the road to the extent that it is a mix of a socialist critique of capitalism and a liberal critique of communism.

Ruth Kinna states that William Morris' commitment to revolutionary socialism is established well, but that his political nature relating to Marxism and anarchist thought is still contested. The Social Democratic Federation, the Fabian Society, and the Hammersmith Socialist Society issued the Manifesto of English Socialists on May 1, 1893, which called on socialists to communize society. Individualism was a central term in late Victorian political debate and disagreements about the role of the state that objected to collectivism. Morris' rejection of anarchism was fueled in particular by his frustrations with the Socialist League and political violence during the 1890s.

Lewis H. Mates focuses on the British "labour revolt" before World War I, which saw millions of working days lost to strikes and the growth of trade unions. Three currents involving Marxists and anarchists shaped the tendencies arising with British syndicalism: the writings of Marxist Daniel De Leon, the French, and the libertarian Guy Aldred's Herald of Revolt. Two aspects of the Durham Coalfield syndicalists' politics--their dogmatism and their sectarianism, damaged their influence. Revolutionary activists are often confronted with dilemmas whenever faced with favorable circumstances to propagate their politics.

Georges Sorel was important in developing radical leftist theory early in the twentieth century, his ideas influencing various Marxist thinkers. He noted that violence prepared workers for revolution, with Renzo Llorente noting that Sorel's work Reflections on Violence was eccentric, with standard Marxist positions alongside anarchist ones. The revolutionary general strike was a "catastrophic" occurrence, precipitating the passage from capitalism to socialism, from oppression to liberation, the chief aim being to motivate workers. In the end, Sorel's anarcho-Marxism had much to recommend, but Marxists could still profit from considering his ideas carefully.

Carl Levy focuses on Antonio Gramsci, with his relationship between his Marxism and the anarchist/syndicalist traditions being complex and intriguing. Gramsci employed the daily concerns of Turin's labor and cooperative movements as laboratories to develop and illustrate his complex theories early in his career. Gramsci never questioned the Marxist monopoly legitimate thought and action and never considered anarchists gadflies of their revolution, with their warnings about the Soviet Union not fully accepted by him. Levy in the end mentions that anti-capitalist revolution was also a theoretical revolution against positivist encrustations, which enveloped and could have tarnished Marxism.

Saku Pinta examines Council Communist perspectives on anarchosyndicalist participation in the Spanish Civil War and Revolution from 1936 to 1939 through American communist theorists. The Dutch-German Council Communist represented one of the most significant, original revolutionary Marxist movements of the interwar period, originating from a radical Left minority in the German Social Democratic Party and the Dutch "Tribunist" group, who extensively collaborated. In Spain, the Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia would attempt to assert authority during the Spanish Civil War. The American counsilists, who sympathized with the cause of the Spanish anarcho-syndicalists, were critical at their performance.

Christian Høgsbjerg focuses on C.L.R. James, his early relationship with anarchism, and the intellectual origins of autonomism. His early politics as a young teacher and journalist were reformist, although he would receive influence from Peter Kropotkin. The chapter elaborates on General Motors car worker Phil Singer, who kept a diary with which he intended to depict "Life in the Factory," what workers were thinking and doing while working. James, in the end, stressed the creativity and spontaneity of the working class, leading commentators to detect anarchism in his political thought.

Andrew Cornell highlights the Marxist and antiracist roots of modern American anarchism, mentioning the blockading of protest areas and property destruction, with "oppressed" populations disagreeing over tactics. The antiwar New York City newspaper Why? would start, and both the imprisonment of protesters would lead to modified beliefs. The editors of the Rebel Worker recognized a small group of New York artists who produced the magazine Black Mask. In the end, the anarchist-pacifists of the 1940s and 1950, along with the cultural revolutions of the 1960s, led to a departure from the class struggle-based anarchism in America prior to the Second World War.

David Berry focuses on Daniel Guérin, who introduced a synthesis of Marxism-Leninism, Guérin himself coming from a bourgeoisie background that he would reject. He would reject social democracy and Stalinism, not to mention Trotskyism, and wanted to return to the roots of revolutionary theory and praxis. He further insisted that Marx and Engels envisioned proletariat dictatorship as being exercised by the working class rather than by an avant-garde and saw the importance in self-management. Ultimately, fellow revolutionaries were mixed as to how well Guérin succeeded in synthesizing libertarianism and communism.

Benoît Challand focuses on the French group Socialisme ou Barbarie (SouB), associated with psychoanalyst Cornelius Castoriadis. There would be different generations in SouB, with Trotskyists featured prominently among ex-communists, most becoming as such because of their disillusionment with the Moscow trials of the 1930s or Stalin's inaction towards fascism. While people faithful towards historical materialism didn't see what was Marxist, Castoriadis believed in the classical Marxist theme of alienation and was attuned to a socially-constructed and language-mediated vision of that which was political. Castoriadis' later views on society would be caught in a battle against heteronomy on part of external instituted political, social, and cognitive order, echoing Lefort's work and writings against totalitarianism.

Jean-Christophe Angaut notes that situationists have often been reduced to mere artists criticizing everyday life, detached from any social struggles. The theoretical attempts by situationists in the 1960s can't be separated from their politics and context, with the emergence of workers' councils in the Hungarian uprisings of 1956 key to explaining Debord's praise of them and the reasons he didn't repeat Marx's praise of the Commune.
In summation, situationist critique is often reduced to its negative dimension and its attempts to extend beyond outdated oppositions, with its concepts of unity and totality having yet to be questioned.

Toby Boraman focuses on anarchism and councilism, a form of libertarian socialism influenced heavily by council communism that converged in Australasia during the 1970s. Australasian anarchists and councilists sought to keep their own praxis while taking inspiration from movements in other advanced capitalist countries. During the 1950s and 1960s, most working-class Australians and New Zealanders were experiencing rising living standards, employment, and widespread affluence. New Zealand carnivalists were highly involved in organizing part of the unpaid wing of the working class, chiefly the unemployed. In contrast, situs and the carnival anarchists were impatient in believing total revolution needed to immediately occur.

David Bates focuses on post-Marxist philosophers Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, attempting to situating their beliefs and explaining the concept of autonomism. Negri lamented upon anarchism and insurrection, with the question proposed of whether socialism undercut the power of the proletariat. Hardt and Negri radicalized biopower, harnessing it to the cause of radical politics in postmodernism. The lumpenproletariat, the politically apathetic, are suggested to be a bad ally, with identity politics (a biggie in contemporary American political discourse) and anticapitalism touched upon. Bates concludes by suggesting that locating Hardt and Negri's thoughts wasn't straightforward.

Saku Pinta and David Berry's conclusion focuses on the depolarization of global politics, the ideological crisis of the Left, and the increased illegibility of many social struggles. Overall, I found this to be an interesting collection of essays, even if it frequently felt disjointed, that gave really good history, most of which I never knew about, and there are plenty of legitimate good ideas like the mentioned belief that managers shouldn't earn more than their regular workers. One major issue perhaps is that it doesn't make any effort to reconcile with the mainstream Libertarian Right, but it was a nice experience looking into a very niche ideology.

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theradicalchild: (Malcolm X)
The Autobiography of Malcolm XThe Autobiography of Malcolm X by Malcolm X
My rating: 5 of 5 stars

In grade school and college, I've always known about classic civil rights leaders such as Martin Luther King Jr. and what he stood for, but less about his contemporary and rival Malcolm X, who I knew had a different vision for Black America at the time and I knew opposed abrupt racial integration contrary to Dr. King, which I actually agree wasn't the best idea as many whites weren't remotely ready to accept blacks as equals (and vice versa, which still rings true in the modern United States). Leaders like X believed in black empowerment, which I definitely believe should have come well before racial integration.

I knew Malcolm X had written an autobiography with the help of black author Alex Haley, although I would not actually begin to read it until decades after I first heard about it. The Autobiography of Malcolm X opens with an introduction by M.S. Handler (nice name), where he describes his wife having tea with X akin to doing so with a black panther, which I assume is how the Black Panther Party got its name. X originally subscribed to Elijah Muhammad's history of the origins of man and the alleged genetic superiority of blacks over whites, but ultimately broke upon personal experiences with the latter and no longer believing them to be "devils," and that he had yet to fully comprehend Islam, being assassinated before his new ideology came to full fruition.

The first chapter begins with Malcolm X relating how Ku Klux Klansmen surrounded his home his Omaha, Nebraska due to his father, Reverend Earl Little's, belief in Marcus Garvey's back-to-Africa movement causing him hardship due to his alleged spreading trouble among the city's "good" Negroes. His family would ultimately move to Lansing, Michigan, only to discover the Negro equivalent of the Ku Klux Klan, The Black Legion, which would be a partial suspect in the death of his father, after which welfare officers would eventually drive his mother to mental illness and death, his family afterward breaking apart.

Malcolm X and his brother Philbert would become boxers, with the former noting that sports and showbusiness would be the only surefire businesses readily available to blacks. However, a match with a white boy would end his career, and the classic prank of a thumbtack on his teacher's chair would get him sent to reform school, where he was, ironically, treated well, in spite of regular use of the N-word. X would disdain the racial integration-hungry blacks at the institute and their white liberal friends, and would eventually be sent to a white school, where he would be mocked for his dream of becoming a lawyer, at which time he began to become prejudiced against whites.

He would find himself out of place in Boston when he ultimately moved there to be close to his sister Ella, with the high-class blacks looking down on the lower-class ones. X would visit the town's ghetto and shoot pool, meeting a man he called Shorty he would befriend. Another friend, Freddie, would teach him to become a shoeshiner at segregated dance parties, where he would earn money and buy a zoot, which was a clothing trend of the time. He could comb his hair with congolene, which burned his scalp, after which he would feel degradation for getting a conk hairstyle.

One day at his shoeshining gig, Malcolm X's Negro instincts would kick in at a dance party and really got down with it, after which he would quit due to whites mocking him. He would get a second zoot, afterward remembering his dance partner Laura and then becoming a soda jerk at a pharmacy. Laura suggests he try to become a lawyer again, with X's sister being impressed. He would cheat on Laura (not sexually) by dancing with Mamie, but Laura would suggest entering a dance competition, only for Shorty's love Sophia to get in the way. Laura would ultimately become a lesbian, after which X would become a busboy at a hotel and hear about the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.

He would get a railroad job in New York City, lying about his age, and at which time blacks were concerned about the draft due to America's entry into the Second World War. Malcolm X would visit Small's Place in Harlem and visit the NYC district's hotels, with the note that the district was essentially forbidden to white servicemen at the time. He indicates that white people were so obsessed with their importance that they would pay liberally for the impression of being catered to and entertained. X further gives factoids about the backstory of Harlem beginning with its being a Dutch settlement and that the other city districts would before be stomping grounds for blacks, alongside the American Communist Party being the first political party to have a black Vice-Presidential candidate.

Malcolm X would gamble the tips he received from his job, noting various gambling lingo and mentioning the Forty Thieves gang that specialized in clothing. He indicates that the "morals" of servicemen were heavily guarded, alongside the "Four Horsemen," who were the chief cops policing Sugar Hill, and included West Indian Brisbane. X received word of the morals of white men from women, with said men wanting to get away from wives that he termed psychologically-castrating. He would get exiled from Small's after playing into a black military spy, and while he would keep his railroad permit and work other lines, the draft board would catch up to him. X would ultimately be rejected from the Army due to his zoot mannerisms during a military psychologist's interrogation.

He would get into elicit businesses such as gambling at Grand Central Terminal and would do other extralegal activities such as becoming a robber and selling illegal drugs. He reflects upon the race riots in Harlem in 1935 when white cops killed a black (which would prelude those in modern America), with Mayor LaGuardia and the NAACP's then-secretary, Walter White, pleading for innocent blacks to go home and stay inside. He indicated that it was difficult to get a telephone during the Second World War, and that Harlem would be a sin den for white bigwigs at the time. X would find that whites had morals just as low as blacks, working with a Jew named Hymie who would be victim of the mob, and that West Indian Archie would call on him to cough up the money he received selling drugs.

X tried to play it cool, with a cop ultimately telling him to leave New York City, which he would do, ultimately sharing an apartment with Shorty. He would dress more conservatively, gamble, get a machine gun, and relapse to criminal activity, with he and his cohorts making their base in a Harvard Street apartment. He would test the mettle of his companions and become more efficient in his gang's activities, with drugs helping get through his toughest times. He would ultimately get busted by a Jewish cop and receive ten years in jail, during which he would discover Islam.

Malcolm X would first be incarcerated at Charlestown State Prison in Massachusetts, where he was a "fish," a nickname for a new inmate, further receiving the moniker "Satan" due to his disdain for Christianity. He would take a correspondence course and be under the tutelage of a fellow black inmate, Bimbi, and be transferred to Concord Prison, where he would do drugs to get himself through the experience. He would convert to Islam in prison, learning about The Honorable Elijah Muhammed, who gave his own version of the Earth's backstory, including the creation of the races starting with blacks and ending with the "white devils," among them being Moses and the Jews.

He would write Elijah Muhammad but would in his early interest in Islam find it difficult to pray, and most of his letters, even to politicians like President Truman, would go unanswered. X would improve his literary skills by studying the dictionary, and learn about slavery in the United States, of the slave revolts and resistance to white colonists elsewhere in places like China and India. This would further enforce his belief in white devilry, and he would attempt to bring his fellow white inmates out of their Stockholm Syndrome. He would learn more about the civil rights movement, believing that human rights should have come first and foremost, learning that Africans once had great civilizations prior to white explorers.

X would ultimately receive his parole in the spring of 1952 by the Massachusetts State Parole Board, afterward moving to Detroit. His brother Wilfred would get him a job as a furniture salesman, and he would be welcome in his household, delving into Islam during his stay. X's main religious stomping ground would be Detroit Temple Number One, which considered Christianity to be an enslaving religion while Islam was liberating for blacks. He would officially adopt the X initial to replace his "white slave" surname, and he would work for a factory that manufactured garbage truck bodies. White FBI agents would hound him for dodging the Korean War Draft, in which case X was right to do so as it was one of the first acts of American treachery against its former Soviet allies from the Second World War.

He would become an Islamic minister, visiting Lloyd X in Boston and discussing the horrors of the white man, preaching to blacks that they should defend themselves if attacked. Back in Boston, he caught up with his prior haunts, discovering that Shorty had a band, finding that Sammy was dead, and even finding West Indian Archie. He would fish for recruits from black Harlem churches, preaching respect for women, afterward spreading his faith in Philadelphia and Atlanta. X would continue to build the Nation of Islam, having a car accident in Connecticut with a swinger politician. He would meet and marry Sister Betty X and have several children, with Muslims, well before 9/11, making US newspaper headlines after New York City awarded a sizeable police brutality settlement to a black man.

The Nation of Islam would make headlines as well, with Malcolm X believing that Christianity was incompatible with black aspirations and taking a trip to Africa. His preaching of hatred for whites would make headlines, which irked black leaders, although X said that Mr. Muhammad was only teaching black empowerment, and that self-defense was a right. X would be accused of being a demagogue, although in response he would note that the term actually means "teacher of the people." He would further call out "integrated" blacks and oppose racial integration in general and noted that segregation and separation were different since the former meant controlling the ostracized population.

Malcolm X believed that black Muslims should have been instead called Muslims in general, and meetings consisting entirely of blacks would become more common, with his brothers becoming Islamic ministers. He would continue to call out whites, wanting salvation for blacks from integration, and would even criticize "liberal" white men, and believed that American Negroes should have worked towards building their own businesses and homes without nonwhite support. He called the iconic March on Washington the "Farce on Washington," given its support by white money and focusing almost exclusively on Southern racism and segregation while ignoring the sordid conditions of blacks and equivalent racial tension in the North.

Mr. Muhammad's health would go into decline, with Islam growing rapidly in New York City, although Malcolm X would be wary of high publicity, given that a bounty was offered for his death. Muhammad would be accused of adultery, tarnishing the Nation of Islam's reputation, with X formulating a defense in noting that numerous biblical heroes were degenerates as well, but he believed that humans should be remembered far more for their accomplishments than their faults. He would receive severe criticism for calling the Kennedy assassination a case of "the chickens coming home to roost" in that hatred of blacks would backfire upon whites in that JFK had been killed by another white man.

X would feel threatened in that the Nation of Islam ultimately ordered his assassination, yet would find refuge with boxer Cassius Clay, later known as Muhammad Ali, who would win championship against Christian boxers and symbolically in X's eyes prove the supremacy of Islam to the black community. Black anger would ferment in large cities (and continues to do so today), with X considered the only Negro at the time who could stop a race riot or start one, and he believed the most dangerous black man was a ghetto hustler. He touches upon politics at the time and rightfully notes that whites would divide them politically, further mentioning that American politics was ruled by special interests and lobbies and that blacks were at the bottom of everything economically, which still reigns true today.

He would start his own mosque with blacks from all walks of life sick of the racial charade in America, Muslim Mosque, Inc. and wanted to make the pilgrimage to Mecca to embrace "true Islam." X would meet Dr. Mahmoud Youssef Shawarbi, a devout Muslim who would give him the OK to go on the Hajj to Mecca; en route, X would discover Europeans to be more human, or humane, than Americans at the time, and would learn the rites of Islam, during which he changed his views on whites, noting that a Muslim who would pass as white would treat him far better than American whites. He believed that America would need to truly understand Islam, and believed racism would ultimately destroy the country.

Malcolm X would be a guest of the Saudi royal family, which adored him alongside other residents of the country. He believed that the worst mistake of American black organizations and their leaders was that they didn't have great communication between the independent nations of Africa and the blacks in the United States. X wanted to bring the cause of American blacks to the United Nations, receiving criticism from a West Indian who complained about him criticizing America. He noted that whites lusted for Africa's vast natural resources and that America supported tyranny across the world. X thought it appalling that American blacks had to beg whites for their civil whites while whites were killing blacks and getting off scot-free.

Back in America when he gave speeches, he didn't force his Islamic views onto blacks but believed that African around the world should unite, mocking the Civil War's very loose definition of "freedom" and thinking that self-defense should be a right for blacks. He correctly noted that America was conceived on the belief that the "merciless Indian Savages," were an inferior race, and indicated that Catholicism was conceived in Africa but became xenophobic when exported to Europe. Regarding the 1964 election, he didn't support Lyndon Johnson or Barry Goldwater but lauded the latter for being blunter in his beliefs. He had friends of different walks of life and ideologies, but ironically didn't mention liberals among them, and mentioned in the same chapter that he considered them "foxes," just as he considered conservatives "wolves."

In Alex Haley's epilogue, he noted that X believed him a government spy when he wanted to interview him, although X ultimately agreed and spoke in code. X noted that he hated other prominent blacks like Thurgood Marshall, who called Muslims thugs, although X was unapologetic for speaking the truth, and liked some white writers. He would talk about the learning he received in prison, and ultimately knew his life would be threatened when he was forced to leave him home along with his family, canceling public engagements, with the Black Muslims wanting him dead. Thomas Hagan, a former member of the Nation of Islam, would be Malcolm X's assassin, with Christians and Muslims alike mourning him, and the latter giving him a proper Islamic sendoff.

Overall, I didn't have any expectations when reading Malcolm X's autobiography, but I was constantly blown away by what he said, with his life experiences and beliefs. As an autistic, his message really resounded with me, and I will definitely do my best to defend myself from neurobigoted abuse and protect my independence "by any means possible." I actually like him way more than Dr. King, since he and mainstream civil rights leaders seemed to believe racial integration to be a cure-all for America's race woes, and today, blacks in the north still continue to live in horrid conditions and be exploited by whites, with politicians on the Left and the Right still keeping them in their places. I would rank it as a bucket-list autobiography that should be read by everyone with a passing interest in civil rights history, black, white, or otherwise.

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theradicalchild: (Cleveland Nazi)

A Black Person's Selective History of the United States

I received minor exposure in intermediate school to civil rights leaders such as Martin Luther King Jr. but would not get a greater picture of the civil rights movement and its various other luminaries until high school. However, given the cherry-picking among biased historians regarding what historical events in America and which to omit, I didn't receive the full, impartial story about the sundry civil rights leaders and what they believed and stood for. I would eventually learn about other prominent members of the movement like Rosa Parks and Malcolm X, a rival to Dr. King, and others like the Reverend Jesse Jackson, still alive and well today along with his colleague, fellow Reverend Al Sharpton.

Even then I was well aware of Dr. King's iconic "I Have a Dream Speech" where he dreamed of a world of full racial acceptance, believing in a society where his children would be judged not by the color of their skin but by the content of their character, and that "the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave-owners will be able to sit down together at a table of brotherhood." His actions those of others of nonviolence and civil disobedience would ultimately lead to landmark reforms during the late 1950s and the 1960s to grant nonwhites legal equality and voting rights, and end racial segregation, among other things.

However, modern America is still very, very far from the harmonious utopia Dr. King imagined, as the race riots following his tragic assassination would demonstrate, of which he would have very likely not approved were he still alive, and the United States is every bit as racially divided today as it was then. Incidents like the beating of Rodney King by Los Angeles police, its resultant civil unrest and that following the murder of George Floyd today exemplify this, albeit in my opinion for vastly different reasons, since as I have seen, similar incidents against straight white men receive little to no national news coverage.

Another pattern I have seen through my life paying attention to American news and politics is the delusion, mostly among leftists black and white, that those of African ancestry have special immunity to criticism and are seen as absolutely incapable of wrongdoing, even being racist themselves (which Wikipedia asininely terms "reverse racism"), in part due to the brutal legacy of slavery and its forceful abolition as a byproduct of the War for Southern Independence, which is very popularly termed "the Civil War" since the Confederate States lost, just as the American Revolution would have likely been called the "British Imperial Civil War" had the Thirteen Colonies been subjugated.

All this would ultimately give rise to organizations like Black Lives Matter, Defund the Police, ACAB (an acronym for All Cops Are Bastards), all under the umbrella of the Woke movement, perceiving injustices in society and the world in general, but mostly and exclusively focused on America. As an autistic who has suffered prejudice and injustice through his lifetime from his own family, various academic and governmental institutions, and corporations with which he has been employed, I agree with the general overall noble aims of the Woke movement, but vastly disagree with their rhetoric and methods.

However, the mainstream Woke movement shares the overall illogical leftist sentiment that certain groups termed as "oppressed," just like blacks, have special immunity to any kind of criticism and the view that they are absolutely incapable of any kind of wrongdoing, bigotry against others included, which I can attest from personal experience is bogus, as I have had negative experiences with fellow autistics in real life but mostly on the internet given their exemplifications of negative stereotypes that result in our continued ostracization. Members of the Woke movement are often selective as well when it comes to highlighting injustices, as even a leftist feminist who goes by the alias "The Other Millennial" acknowledges in regards to two different cases of lawmaking disadvantaging women.

The polar opposite of the Woke movement is the Base movement, which largely wishes to keep things the way they are, with which I disagree as well, as I know well that injustice still exists in America and across the world, but every demographic has been guilty of some sort of wrongdoing throughout history, even those whom the Woke movement claims to represent. I know also that bigotry has always been prevalent throughout American history, before and after the Revolutionary War. Thus, the title and concept of author Ibram X. Kendi's book Stamped from the Beginning appealed to me, so I decided to give it a purchase and read.

However, the prefaces to the 2023 Edition and the First Paperback Edition immediately gave me a negative first impression, given the author's delusion that Barack Obama's election as the first black President (though he's actually half-black) marked the beginning of "postracist America," which is totally bogus since even before and during his administration, racism was still prevalent in America among both whites and blacks, the latter blindly idolizing his "historic" election during the continuing narcissistic Age of Entitlement and culture wars that arose as a result of the liberal (though I think "illiberal" is a far better term for most who label themselves as such) uprising during the 1960s.

Conversely, Kendi iconoclastically describes rogue candidate Donald Trump's election as President in 2016 as a "reversal" of his delusion of America having become "postracist," highlighting examples of the president's praise of those who had made bigoted statements while again ignoring the equivalent racism by blacks that continues today. He further serves as an apologist for voter fraud with his illogical opposition to commonsense measures to enforce electoral integrity such as having to present identification in order to vote, which has absolutely nothing to do with race or discrimination, falling under the popular leftist weasel words of "voter suppression."

Kendi then indicates that he took the title of his book from a quote made by first-and-only Confederate Jefferson Davis that blacks were "stamped from the beginning" as being inferior to whites while simultaneously neglecting to mention that America's white supremacist slaveowning founders believed the same thing, just as much as they did about the "merciless Indian Savages" they would drive to near-extinction the following century. However, he correctly defines racist ideas as those regarding one racial group as inferior or superior to another (but still proves himself among the "do as we say, not as we do" crowd).

One publicized passage that proved the prime selling point for me was: "There are lazy and unwise and harmful individuals of African ancestry. There are lazy and unwise and harmful individuals of European ancestry. There are industrious and wise and harmless individuals of European ancestry. There are industrious and wise and harmless individuals of African ancestry." One can say the same of people of different faiths (and Kendi correctly notes that racism found its way into various Christian denominations), genders, political ideologies, and even neurology (and as I said, I've had plenty negative experience with other autistics).

Part I of the main text focuses on Puritan clergyman Cotton Mather, beginning with the story of his grandfather Richard and his family's journey to New England aboard the James. The Puritans believed themselves superior to nonwhites and Anglicans, with the Pequot War resulting in their first slaves. Ibn Battuta and Muslims further saw sub-Saharan Africans as inferior and useful as slaves as well, with Christians at the time justifying slavery through the "curse of Ham." Portuguese royalty would gain knowledge of sub-Saharan slaves from Moors they captured, with Leo Africanus, a beneficiary of Pope Leo X, also seeing blacks as inferior, with his ideas finding their way to the English, who wanted to get their share of the slave trade.

English Travel writer George Best wanted to assimilate nonwhites into becoming white, seeing blacks as hypersexual, with Puritans wanting to bring social order to the world and Christianize it. Leo Africanus' ideas continued to perpetuate, with William Shakespeare's Othello enforcing negative stereotypes of blacks. John Smith would help establish the first permanent English settlement in North America, with Kendi telling the tale of Pocahontas the "civilized savage." King Charles I further propagated the persecution of blacks, with texts such as A True and Exact Historie of the Island of Barbadoes further encouraging converting slaves to Christianity to make them more obedient.

Blacks would continue to be converted to Christianity, with philosopher John Locke musing to a friend, "You should feel nothing at all of others' misfortune." Segregationist thinkers perpetuated the theory of polygenesis, that there were multiple origins of human species. Incidents such as King Philip's War (with the namesake Metacomet leading Native Americans against New Englanders and their Indian allies) and Bacon's Rebellion, led by Nathaniel Bacon, who wanted to separate poor whites from enslaved blacks, further exacerbated race relations. Puritans and royalists would clash in New England, with Cotton Mather believing that Puritans were the chosen people and blacks were inferior.

The Boston judge Samuel Sewall believed that New Englanders should be free of both slavery and blacks, with Cotton Mather continuing to believe that God detested Africans. A slave revolt would erupt in New York City on April 7, 1712, when a building was set ablaze. Cotton Mather would ultimately devise inoculation against smallpox to save blacks, although the antivaccination crowds of the time thought it a conspiracy to incite slave revolts. At the time, Benjamin Franklin detested Puritans and would leave for Philadelphia to get away from his older brother, to whom he was indentured.

The next part focuses on Thomas Jefferson, whose father Peter was a hard laborer, with Thomas accepting secularized racial discourse. The Age of Enlightenment would spawn as the slave trade flourished, with Swedish scientist Carl Linnaeus creating human and animal hierarchies, his French contemporary Voltaire feeling much the same way. After Jefferson's father died when he was four, he entered politics and studied antislavery. An enslaved female poet, Phillis Wheatley, would further influence the antislavery movement, although whites who still adopted those ideas alongside assimilation were still xenophobic overall. Both the British and Americans would doubt Jefferson as a good messenger for the freedom manifesto that he would preach, with even British writer Samuel Johnson calling him out on his hypocrisy.

The United States Declaration of Independence was a bit of a troubled production, with among its original words being that all freedmen were created equal. Kendi doesn't at all mention Jefferson's phrase "merciless Indian Savages" that did find its way into the incredibly selectively-quoted document (he only very, very slightly implies it), but does give some good history about the future president going to France for favor of the blossoming tobacco industry in the United States, not to mention his affair with Sally Hemings and biracial offspring, as well as the slave revolts in Haiti, which had been the only country other than the US where the practice was forcefully ended. Jefferson had acknowledged, at least in a prior draft of the Declaration of Independence, that he wanted America to be free of slavery (though it was left out due to the Thirteen Colonies' division on the issue) and along with many abolitionists ultimately wanted the Blacks to return to Africa.

Jefferson was friends with free Black Benjamin Banneker, who oversaw the construction of Washington DC, with Ben Franklin having further irked the 1st US Congress with his abolitionist views. The following Congress saw the passage of the Fugitive Slave Act of 1793, which happened around the same time enslavers of Haitians fleeing the country's revolt brought yellow fever to Philadelphia. The cotton industry further increased demands for an expansion of slavery, with the revolution in Haiti also compelling French Emperor Napoleon to sell off the Louisiana Territory to the United States. The expansion of slavery would additionally inspire monogenesis theorists, religious and secular, to change their minds about the belief.

The signature of the hilariously-named Non-Intercourse Act of 1809 would be one of Jefferson's final acts as president, lifting American shipping embargoes except those bound for British and French ports, which stifled the American economy at the time. Kendi further indicates that scientists like Georges Cuvier rejected polygenesis, believing that three races came from the Garden of Eden, with whites being supreme and blacks being the lowest. Moreover, Native Americans begun enslaving blacks, with a major revolt from free negroes targeting New Orleans on January 10, 1811, yet being quashed.

Gabriel Prosser's slave revolt in 1800 also never came to be, with Virginia refusing to abolish slavery because their economy depended upon it. Many abolitionists further wanted to send blacks "back to Africa," which irked the free ones within America, with the American Colonization Society founded, and the Slave Trade Act allocating $100,000 to advance their agenda. Another slave revolt headed by Denmark Vesey abetted Southern contribution to defending slavery, with the Missouri Compromise passed in 1820. The American Tract Society around the time also propagated the racist belief of a white Jesus, and Freedom's Journal would become the very first Black newspaper, pitting upper-class negros against lower-class ones and predictably tanking.

Both John Adams and Thomas Jefferson kicked the bucket on July 4, 1826, with the latter "resting in the comfort of slavery." The third part focuses on abolitionist William Lloyd Garrison, who joined the ACS, with the Nat Turner Rebellion erupting on August 21, 1831. The American Anti-Slavery Society (AASS) would be founded, believing in the radical idea of "immediate emancipation, without expatriation." Enslavers saw the organization's postal campaign as an act of war, with a rift occurring with the Garrisonians, who refused to participate in "corrupt" political parties and churches, and the abolitionists who wanted to bring their cause into them.

At the Seneca Falls Convention, Sojourner Truth would become prominent in both the classical feminist and abolitionist movements, with Harriet Beecher Stowe's Uncle Tom's Cabin inspiring racist abolitionism. Black writer and physician Martin R. Delaney hated the book, with Moby-Dick author further mocking polygenesis, although Josiah C. Nott and George Gliddon would publish in 1854 Types of Mankind, dedicated to the memory of Samuel Morton, eight hundred pages defending the theory. William Lloyd Garrison and Frederick Douglass would have their major disagreements, with Stowe mediating between them.

United States Senator Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois wanted statehood for the territories of Nebraska and Kansas for want of a transcontinental railroad through them, with his rival, Abraham Lincoln, wanting to send blacks back to Africa like many abolitionists desired, Douglas ultimately calling him out on his vacillation on the issues of slavery and negro equality. Dred Scott v. Sanford would nullify federal slavery regulations, adding that blacks aren't human. In October 1859, John Brown's raid on Harpers Ferry would erupt, with Colonel Robert E. Lee quashing it. Mississippi Senator Jefferson Davis further opposed legislation educating blacks in DC, with Charles Darwin's signature work promoting bigotry, and his cousin Sir Francis Galton inspiring the future eugenics movement.

Lincoln's eventual election of president marked the beginning of Southern secession and the start of their independence war, with the president quickly seeking to subjugate them, and blacks from the South running away to join the Northern army, though conditions then were horrendous. Blacks as well were forced to work for the Confederate military, with the North's Second Confiscation Act declaring black runaways from the South to be free, although the Northern states where slavery was still legal were somewhat indecisive throughout the war. Moreover, Lincoln wanted to eject blacks from America, blamed their presence for the war, and still didn’t think they could be equal, angering Garrison.

The president had also told abolitionist Horace Greeley, who had actually wanted the Southern states (at least initially, but Kendi doesn't mention Greeley's former beliefs and his awesome quote, "We hope never to live in a republic whereof one section is pinned to the residue by bayonets") to secede that he was fighting to "save the Union" and was still apathetic on fully abolishing slavery, with his eventual Emancipation Proclamation only "freeing" slaves in the Confederacy and largely being more than a symbolic gesture that could only be enforced military, which it would be in the end, of course.

Garrison's son Willie and German journalist Henry Villard noted that freed blacks "acted like brutes," with Kendi mentioning the slaughter of black Union soldiers at Fort Wagner after the North's victories at Gettysburg and Vicksburg. Lincoln still struggled on what to do with blacks postwar, with the American Freedmen's Inquiry Commission (AFIC) wanting equality for them. After Lincoln's reelection came General Sherman's infamous March to the Sea and the issue of redistributing Confederate-owned land. The Thirteenth Amendment prohibiting slavery except as punishment for crimes came to fruition at the start of 1865, with John Wilkes Booth murdering on Good Friday towards the end of Lent that year and his consequential god status among black Americans that continues today.

Lincoln's successor, Andrew Johnson, adopted a reconciliatory approach towards the start of the postwar Reconstruction era, offering amnesty to former Confederates at the chagrin of Congress and freedmen. Johnson didn't push for equality for blacks, who in turn looked down on poor whites, with race wars erupting in the South (though the author pits blame solely on white people) and ex-Confederates ultimately denied the ability to hold office. Kendi mentions that lighter blacks were better off than darker ones in the educational system, and that the election of former Union General Ulysses S. Grant as president in 1868 marked the emergence of the first negro politicians as well.

The Ku Klux Klan would eventually emerge, with blacks rarely benefiting from the economic policies of Reconstruction (though corporations did). One interesting factoid Kendi mentions that was new to me is President Grant's wish to annex the Dominican Republic to the United States as a haven for emancipated blacks. The author, however, denies that what negro politicians did emerge were absolutely incapable of being "inept," and mentions that the Supreme Court would nix federal civil rights legislation, and that black Southerners would be most devastated by the Panic of 1873. Grant would eventually abandon Reconstruction, with the Bargain of 1877 making Rutherford B. Hayes president in the close election the prior year, and Exodusters moving North and West when whites began, unsurprisingly, to reclaim supremacism in the South.

Part IV deals with classical civil rights activist W.E.B. Du Bois, born on February 23, 1868, the day before President Andrew Johnson's impeachment began, with Kendi mentioning the popular subscription to Social Darwinism and the belief that blacks are inferior and that the New South continued to screw over the negro population living there, again unsurprising given the idiocy in expecting the white population to instantly accept them as equals after what Lincoln and his henchmen did to the Confederacy during the Civil War. George Washington Williams' History of the Negro Race in America from 1619 to 1880 would indicate the roles that blacks played throughout American history.

On January 7, 1890, South Carolina Senator Matthew Butler and former Ku Klux Klan Grand Dragon John Tyler Morgan introduced a congressional bill to fund black emigration to Africa. Henry Cabot Lodge would later introduce the Federal Elections Bill for federal supervision of elections, although Democratic Senators filibustered it, so it never passed. May 18, 1896, would mark the 7-1 Supreme Court decision of Plessy v. Ferguson that dictated that races be "separate but equal," and while the "separate" part was of course enforced, the "equal" part very rarely was, which continued to lead to blacks being screwed over in the Southern states.

In the following chapter, Kendi mentions the emergence of the then-unnamed homosexual community around the turn of the twentieth century, complains about the high crime rates among blacks back then (that continue today yet are habitually denied by their population and the mainstream media), and calls out Booker T. Washington on having made "darky" jokes, one he considers a "Black Judas." On January 29, 1901, the lone black United States Representative of the time, George H. White of North Carolina, gave his farewell speech, with Congress exclusively consisting of white males for the next few decades. Kendi further complains about William Hannibal Thomas speaking the truth about the average American black of the time (which still mostly rings true today) alongside his efforts to forge a world where they would be more accepted.

The next chapter focuses on the German-American Jew Franz Boas who met W.E.B Du Bois and related to him given the antisemitism he experienced in his fatherland. The Texas-born black heavyweight boxing champion Jack Johnson would game fame among the negro community, although they would turn against him due to his dating white women. Edgar Rice Burroughs would start the Tarzan book series, where the namesake character would be raised by apes and discover his parents' old haunting ground, gaining mainstream intelligence, whereas the native Africans would be deemed "savages." Du Bois would ultimately establish the NAACP while butting heads with Oswald Garrison Villard who was more open-minded to assimilation with whites, Francis Galton would kick off the eugenics movement, and black activists would try to prevent the film The Birth of a Nation from seeing widespread release, with the negro community's attempts to thought-police America continuing to this day.

During the First World War (then called the Great War), the black population of the South would wise up and begin the Great Migration and move to areas in America where they were better accepted. The eugenics movement would also gain traction, with the post-WWI Red Scare mostly targeting blacks, and early American communists being racist in contradiction to Karl Marx' philosophy (but modern blacks don't heed the Austrian philosopher's opposition to personality cults given their blind worship of Abraham Lincoln). Marvis Garvey's Pan-Africanism movement would quickly collage, and at the 1924 Democratic National Convention, the party came within one vote of condemning the anti-black, anti-Catholic, and antisemitic Ku Klux Klan (and the party still today refuses to acknowledge its xenophobic history). The Immigration Act of 1924 would cause eugenicists to focus on the segregation of non-Nordics in the United States.

W.E.B. Du Bois would criticize historically-black colleges for training them to be used for cheap labor, although a group in Harlem that labeled themselves the "Niggerati" (Kendi's words, not mine) would oppose interest in assimilation or media suasion. Du Bois would further view Langston Hughes as a race traitor given his endorsement of Carl Van Vechten's Nigger Heaven (again, Kendi's words, not mine), released in August 1926 (and fun fact, Van Vechten was homosexual). The Great Depression that began shortly after Herbert Hoover became president would break the Republican Party's dominion on politics at the time, with the field of eugenics flourishing thanks to the Nazis and advocates like Margaret Sanger (and fun fact, she wanted to "exterminate the Negro population," though Kendi doesn't mention this).

Walter White would transform the NAACP into a litigatory organization to place "refined" individuals such as himself in front of courts and politicians to convince whites to end racism to little effect. Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal would give more aid to whites than blacks, which Kendi termed the "Old Deal." Du Bois would receive mixed reception to his desire for self-improvement among the black population, with the American Anthropological Association denouncing biological racist ideas, with others eventually dropping the term "racism" into mainstream vernacular. The film adaptation of Gone with the Wind and various books would annoy cancel-culturalist blacks, with America, after World War II, becoming leader of the "free" world despite being far from a paragon of total equality, let alone "freedom," which continues to this day.

Du Bois would unsuccessfully try to get the United Nations to condemn colonial racism, and both Columbia evolutionary biologist Theodosius Dobzhansky and anthropologist Ashley Montagu would set a new course for Social Darwinism away from eugenics. President Harry Truman would attempt to implement the Truman Doctrine where he tried to combat racism, while Southern Dixiecrats would run Strom Thurmond as a presidential candidate in 1948. Eisenhower would roll back Truman's doctrine, and during his presidency, Brown v. Board of Education, which ruled that segregation created inequality, which was the case since the "equal" part of "separate but equal" stemming from Plessy v. Ferguson was never really enforced in the first place.

The next part focuses on civil rights activist Angela Davis, who was concerned about church bombings in Birmingham. John F. Kennedy would be assassinated, with civil rights rivals Martin Luther King Jr and Malcolm X paying attention to the congressional debates of the time. Malcolm X would visit Mecca in Saudi Arabia and would consequentially hate all racist "wolves and evils," while civil rights legislation would be filibustered. Presidential candidate Barry Goldwater would start a new course for the Republican Party with his influential The Conscience of a Conservative, while Lyndon Johnson's Assistant Secretary of Labor and future New York Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan, would publish his influential and assimilationist Beyond the Melting Pot.

The concept of Black Power would come about during the civil rights movement, although not all blacks were happy, with many terming their proponents "reverse Hitlers," which still in some cases rings true today. Activists would religiously quote the Declaration of Independence, obviously oblivious to its author's hypocrisy. Kendi further points out the racism of terms like blacklisting, blackballing, and black sheep, and I would lump more modern phrases like "light and dark" and "black and white" among these in regard to "good and evil." He further notes Dr. King's desire for psychological freedom for blacks yet complains about the "racism" of films like the Planet of the Apes series. He elaborates with Angela Davis and her cohorts inciting race riots after King's assassination, which went against everything he advocated and stood for.

J. Edgar Hoover and the FBI would launch a war to destroy the Black Power movement in 1969 after Nixon became president, with Kendi complaining about the disproportionate imprisonment of blacks in his typical delusion that they're incapable of any kind of wrongdoing. He continues with the rise of the Blaxploitation genre of film that perpetuated stereotypes of blacks with Afro hair and such. Angela Davis would spend time in prison and join the feminist movement, with Norma McCorvey (Jane Roe) bringing about the infamous Roe v. Wade court case that would give god (or goddess) status to the abortion industry, given its invalidation of all regulation regarding it across America. The fledgling gay rights movement would intersect with Black Power to form queer antiracism as well.

Kendi then proceeds to complain about Ronald Reagan singling about a black woman's massive welfare fraud and apologize for affirmative action and racial preferences. Poverty would continue to increase among blacks beyond the civil rights movement, and the author complains about films like the Rocky series being "racist" given the eponymous boxer's matches with black opponents like Apollo Creed and Mr. T. Then does he criticize Reagan's indifference towards the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa and highlights the decline of the black family in the United States, with abortion being the very likely culprit, since today it remains the biggest killer of blacks in America.

The writer begins his chapter focusing on "New Democrats" by mentioning the popularity of The Cosby Show, though Bill Cosby would, decades later, say in his "pound cake speech" that blacks couldn't blame whites any more for their woes. Public Enemy's rap song "Fight the Power" would become popular as well, alongside critical race theory, which today continues to perpetuate the myth that blacks are incapable of any kind of criticism, wrongdoing, and racism. Black feminists would also advocate for the ban of the contraceptive Norplant, and today, it is still unavailable in the United States, perhaps due to groups like Planned Parenthood profiting from abortion, which still remains the biggest killer of black Americans.

The following chapter focuses on "New Republicans," who rightfully advocated personal responsibility as part of Speaker Newt Gingrich's Contract with America. Kendi then complains about the O.J. Simpson trial perpetuating racism in the United States, although the circumstances were admittedly questionable, similar to the JFK assassination. When President Clinton stated that America should have a frank discussion about race, Speaker Gingrich responded by saying that racism wouldn't disappear by simply focusing on race, and he was right, in that in order to solve any problem, xenophobia included, one needs to get to its core, which more often than not lies in history, in the area of racism, in my opinion, why people have xenophobic attitudes in the first place.

In the next chapter, Kendi notes John McWhorter's bestseller Losing the Race: Self-Sabotage in Black America, in which he correctly noted that black Americans bring much of their misfortunes unto themselves. Then the author notes the emergence of Ebonics, black English slang, that emerged during the 1970s, which even civil rights leaders like Reverend Jesse Jackson opposed. President Clinton would eventually gloat about the full mapping of the human genome, noting that all humans are "99.9% the same," with Kendi proceeding to complain about Cosby's aforementioned speech as "racist" in his typical illiberal delusion that blacks are infallible.

He spends the final chapter slubbering over President Obama, Vice President Biden, and other modern Democratic leaders who only care about black people every election cycle but never any time any between and complains about black lives still not "mattering" to most Americans. This is probably because of factors like BLM's corrupt (reverse) racist leaders selfishly squandering their money on their derelict mansions, and that blacks today still behave like they're the "chosen ones" and adamantly refuse to accept whites as equals, making every criticism against them about race and refusing to take responsibility for their own misdeeds in their typical racial narcissism.

Overall, while Kendi does bring up some good history about the historical roots of racism against blacks, he buries inconvenient facts like refusing to directly mention the damning "merciless Indian Savages" passage of the United States Declaration of Independence and that blacks weren't the only ones who suffered throughout history. For instance, before the advent of labor unions, the average white American had to work eighty-hour workweeks, and the Native Americans themselves were subject to near-extermination before and after the Civil War. "Well, blacks have suffered the worst!" Kendi and his "antiracist" allies may say. So what? Drowning in a puddle is every bit as bad as drowning in an ocean.

On the matter of America's genocide against its indigenous population, Kendi makes zero mention of the Indian Removal Act, one of whose motivations was to give slaveowners more territory, and the subsequent Trail of Tears. He further neglects to mention the post-Civil War internment of Native Americans to reservations, which alongside the eugenics movement, would give the Nazis inspiration for their atrocities. While he mentions birth control godmother Margaret Sanger once, he doesn't mention her coziness with the Ku Klux Klan and her enlightened quote, "We do not want word to go out that we want to exterminate the Negro population, and the minister is the man who can straighten out that idea if it ever occurs to any of their more rebellious members."

I suppose that Kendi would consider black Americans who genuinely seek peace and reconciliation with the white population, as Dr. King advocated, not to mention modern figures like Bill Cosby, to be among the "more rebellious" negroes, those whom he terms "black Judases," with "Uncle Toms" likely being another popular euphamism. Even the likes of Malcolm X opposed racial integration and preferred "black empowerment," likely knowing that whites weren't at the time fully ready to accept blacks as equals (and, of course, vice versa), and indeed, actually improving conditions for black Americans first would have been vastly preferable to abruptly forcing them to coexist with whites, although even after the civil rights movement, America is just as segregated today as it was then.

The abolitionist movement, I think, was generally misguided in the first place, because, alongside most abolitionists being just as racist as (in some cases, more racist than) white slaveowners, freed blacks were still not fully accepted as equals in America, pre- and post-Civil War. There should have first been an emphasis on actually improving conditions for slaves so that when the time for emancipation came, they would have better options on whether to remain with their masters and continue to work for them instead of being set free and aimlessly wandering in an America that was still very racist and unaccepting.

In the end, I would consider Stamped from the Beginning to be a "good bad" book, good in that it actually helped me get all my thoughts on race and racism off my chest, and bad in that Kendi buries a lot of inconvenient details and is blinded by his own racism and typical illiberal illogic that would drive a Vulcan insane, such as the idiotically-popular delusion that blacks (aside from the "black Judases") are incapable of any kind of wrongdoing and are totally immune to criticism, with even the slightest constructive critique of them being deemed "racist." Pawns of the modern Woke movement will probably find it an enjoyable read, but for everyone else, I've pretty much spared you the trouble of suffering through it.

Note: I could not post this on Goodreads since it's too long for that site.

theradicalchild: (Dragon Hobo)
Poverty, by AmericaPoverty, by America by Matthew Desmond
My rating: 4 of 5 stars

After I graduated college, I constantly found myself stuck between a financial rock and a hard place. While I had numerous certifications and degrees and would receive more of the former in the future, working unleashed complications with my Social Security benefits to the point where I didn't work for several years. After reentering the workforce for a few more years, I ultimately got the shock that the government was terminating my disability benefits on account of me no longer being "disabled" despite autism being a lifelong condition that never fades, along with other disabilities like arthritis, epilepsy, mental illness, and possible neuropathy that impede my ability to work traditional part-time or full-time jobs.

I'm not normally a fan of nonfiction, especially the political hagiographies and hatchet jobs (with many in the genre often being hybrids of both), but I've been trying to broaden my literary and mental horizons lately and discovered this book through pure coincidence. Given its apolitical description, I gave it a purchase and read, and while it's not 100% perfect, I was definitely not disappointed. The prologue notes that even though America is the richest country in the world, it also has among the most problems of the wealthiest nations, among them being the titular issue of poverty.

The first chapter touches upon the problem of rising rent rates, noting that official poverty rates exclude the incarcerated, and introducing me to the Marxist term lumpenproletariat, referring to unorganized and unpolitical lower orders of society uninterested in revolutionary advancement, which fascinated me given my open-mindedness to socialist ideology. The second indicates that while money earmarked for the poor has actually increased between the Reagan and Trump Administrations, little of it actually reaches them, given waste at the state level, which is very much an issue as it is at the federal level.

The third chapter notes that America has the lowest wages of the industrialized world, irrelevant in spite of education, with wage negotiation between employees and companies being taboo, and corporate greed rampant. The next touches upon how landlords are more prosperous in low-income neighborhoods because expenses are lower, and how poverty isn't simply the condition of not having enough money but rather not having enough choice and being used as a result. Afterward, Desmond indicates that despite usual rightist fears of welfare leeches, those receiving government assistance actually use more of said money on necessities rather than wants. He concludes the respective chapter by saying that Americans who least need it receive the most federal aid.

The author primarily faults President Reagan's tax cuts for the modern American lopsidedness of wealth and lower investment in public programs but seemed to blame them solely for the budget deficits of the 1980s, when in reality there were other factors like a great increase in military spending, alongside the president's genuine concern in balancing the federal budget through the oft-rejected Balanced Budget Amendment to the US Constitution. However, he does rightfully mention the segregation of housing types (whereas in other nations like Germany, they coexist) and continued political polarization of races in the United States.

Desmond indicates that the government could easily end poverty without increasing the federal deficit by tracking down tax cheaters, which the Internal Revenue Service allegedly cannot do because of understaffing. However, he doesn't mention that the IRS, since its establishment, has been weaponized by all presidential administrations against constructive critics of whoever was president at the time. Furthermore, while he does reasonably suggest that companies should pay employees living wages, he is morally oblivious on the issue of reproduction, which is somewhat sensitive to me as a member of a eugenically "inferior" population.

The final chapter suggests that moving poor families to high-opportunity neighborhoods could easily improve their lives. He then states that President Nixon's Secretary of the Department of Housing and Urban Development, George Romney (father of Utah Senator Mitt), wanted the government to stop subsidizing segregation, which irked Nixon given its opposition from white suburbanites. The chapter ends with mention of a poll saying that while a record-high number of Americans are satisfied with their financial situations, a record low are "very happy." The epilogue's main message is that poverty in America will only end when a mass movement demands it.

Overall, Desmond's book is definitely a must-read by any American with a passing interest in politics (and given the very critical political climate of America today, they should have at least some), since it makes incredibly enlightening revelations regarding the inconsistency of wealth in the United States and equally implicates politicians of both sides. However, he does neglect to mention the country's neverending hemorrhage of taxpayer money on the military and overseas conflicts that don't even involve America that could more easily go to use at home. In the end, Americans definitely need to overcome the Stockholm syndrome they have with their elected officials and very vocally demand genuine change and progress, so that their country doesn't fall into the ashcan of history.

View all my reviews
theradicalchild: (Unicorn Scoutmaster Computer)
1. What are three things you refuse to live without?
My Apple computer and devices, the internet, and my video game systems.

2. What are your three favorite items of clothing?
My campaign hat, my maternal aunt's duster coat, and my variety of shoes.

3. What are your three favorite books?
1984 by George Orwell
Jurassic Park by Michael Crichton
A People's History of the United States by Howard Zinn

4. What are three things you'd grab if you had to evacuate your house quickly?
My portable Apple devices, my portable gaming systems, and my aunt's duster coat.

5. What are your three favorite songs or musical works?
"Anything Goes" from the Broadway musical of the same name
"You Go Your Way, I'll Go Mine" by Carole King
"It's My Life" by Bon Jovi
theradicalchild: (Tom the Cat Teacher)
A Mind for Numbers: How to Excel at Math and Science (Even If You Flunked Algebra)A Mind for Numbers: How to Excel at Math and Science by Barbara Oakley
My rating: 5 of 5 stars

I investigated this book as a resource for improving my learning techniques since, as a freshman quadragenarian on the autism spectrum, I still struggle with education and memory issues. The main point of Barbara Oakley’s book is to condense critical ideas to hold them more effectively, with various simple, effective, efficient techniques researchers know about how to learn. The target audience is high schoolers who love art and English classes but struggle in math. However, in grade school and college, I had more difficulty with English while excelling in math; art is still among my lifetime passions that I still exercise today.

Oakley describes mathematics as taught in American schools as a “saintly mother of a subject,” indicating that she needed to retrain her brain, designed to perform extraordinary mental calculations. The focused mode of thinking is critical to studying math and science, utilizing a direct approach to problem-solving with rational, sequential, and analytical means. Diffuse-mode thinking occurs when one relaxes their attention and allows their mind to wander, which can help one glimpse the “big picture” of certain subjects. Both modes of contemplation need strengthening to learn about and become more creative in math and science.

Diffuse mode can distract learners from problems and allow access to the brain’s big-picture approach to solving problems. The diffuse mode helps one learn at a deep creative level, but accepting the first idea that comes to mind when working on assignments or tests can prevent you from finding a better solution. Resting whenever tired is also a prime opportunity to recharge the mind, with various modes of “chunking” able to enrich learning. Recalling material rather than passively and repeatedly rereading it can increase the focus and effectiveness of study time. Not understanding a concept or method allows one to work through it backward.

Oakley dedicates a chapter to procrastination, terming it an addition and indicating that we tend to procrastinate about things that make us uncomfortable. Mental contrasting is a tactic to counter procrastination, where one contemplates where they are and what they yearn to achieve, focusing more on process than product. When working on math and science problems, each completed step signals the next step to you, where recalling material helps you learn it more effectively than simply rereading it. Weekly, writing a list of primary weeklong tasks can transform distant deadlines into daily ones, with a timer, pen, and paper being significant steps in deterring procrastination.

The advice to study before bedtime comes up, with Oakley noting that several steps are necessary for something to move from working memory to long-term memory. An idea should be memorable, repeated, and written to encode it more deeply in your mind. Working alongside fellow students who grasp content more quickly than you can also be advantageous, but average students can also have their advantages. The author mentions the father of neuroscience, Santiago Ramón y Cajal, and that we can significantly change our brain by altering how we think.

One can further develop the mind through equation poems, with the personification of abstract ideas in our brains aiding in learning math and science. Oakley adds that many are not natural genii, that successes like Bill Gates were college dropouts, and that qualities that distinguish one from others can be advantageous. She emphasizes the power of teamwork, notes that one should start examinations with the most challenging questions (and move to others after a minute of being stuck), and that they can reshape their brain, with patient persistence being the key, and working knowledgeably with your brain’s strengths and weaknesses.

Overall, I found Oakley’s book to be illuminating and helpful regarding improving one’s ability to learn new material effectively. Some analogies are clever, like her constant reference to zombies and visualizations of them and sometimes animals. The real-life success stories are inspirational additions, along with tips on how to learn if with ADHD, which spoke to me as an autistic. The bolded text also helped emphasize which points throughout the book to focus on, and the study tips were also helpful. Thus, I highly recommend this book to anyone seeking to improve their learning capabilities.

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theradicalchild: (B.O. Skunk and Cupid)
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5

2. Should book burning be outlawed?

Fuck no. There are tons of books I'd gladly incinerate, such as masturbatory political hagiographies/autohagiographies (thanks for introducing me to the terms, Logan) and political nonfiction masquerading as "literature," much of which could easily qualify as fiction, specifically fantasy or horror, depending upon the tone.

Logan also mentioned banning flag burning, and a big hell no to that as well, for a few reasons. First of all, America was founded upon treason, "dissent is the highest form of patriotism," and in regards to American Independence Day, "treason is the reason for the season" as Jesus is regarding Christmas. Second, I consider flag worship, particularly the Pledge of Allegiance, to be a form of idolatry, which is a big no-no in my Christian faith (hey, it's not nearly as bad as not being vaccinated for "religious reasons"). Some observations as well. Burning other countries' flags in America is in many respects considered worse and xenophobic, and most of the strongest supporters of illegalizing U.S. flag burning have a few paradoxical other views, for instance being among the biggest defenders of the Confederacy in the so-called "Civil War" (though I think resisting illegal military action by another country is perfectly fucking reasonable), and vice versa.

That's my view, folks. Take it or leave it.
theradicalchild: (Neurodiversity Symbol)
Rewire Your Anxious Brain: How to Use the Neuroscience of Fear to End Anxiety, Panic, and WorryRewire Your Anxious Brain: How to Use the Neuroscience of Fear to End Anxiety, Panic, and Worry by Catherine M. Pittman
My rating: 4 of 5 stars

As a high-functioning autistic who has endured endless trauma throughout his life, I have constantly sought resources and help to deal with the anxiety said incidents have produced, which haunt me today. The authors dedicate this book to all children and adults who suffer from anxiety or panic and need daily courage to navigate their divergent experiences, with Karle acknowledging her support system. The introduction mentions the pathways of anxious thoughts, providing the example of a woman who worried about not turning off her stove at home and nearly got into an accident on the road.

The authors define anxiety as occurring without immediate peril and mention the various functions of the brain’s cortex and amygdala. They state several techniques for coping; these include changing thoughts and seeking professional health alongside reading their book. They mention one benefit of anxiousness: it can make one alert and focused. One of the initial steps they suggest is to identify one’s life goals, and they promise not to go into detail about the complicated disposition of the brain, which they don’t. They discuss the two primary pathways to anxiety, including the cortex pathway; the cortex is the wrinkled and gray outer layer of the brain, and the amygdala pathway involves the physical experience of anxious thoughts.

The second chapter discusses the amygdala portion of the brain, indicating that natural selection gave humans the aspect of fear whose central goal is protection, with some phobias biologically wired with little prompting. The amygdala creates emotional memories, positive and negative, of which humans don’t necessarily have awareness. Its central location in the brain makes it advantageous to influence other aspects of the organ that can change necessary bodily functions in less than a second and control humans in times of danger. The authors note that negative experiences can be affiliated with unrelated things, mentioning examples.

Chapter three focuses on how the cortex creates anxiety and says that while the amygdala pathway can be powerful enough to activate instant physical reactions, anxious thoughts can also originate in the cortex pathway and come from sights seen or unseen. The cortex, say the authors, is prone to error, and it can initiate anxiety in different ways, with distressing thoughts more likely to emerge from the cortex’s left side. The right hemisphere can be a source with its ability to imagine detailed situations, and the left portion is far more analytical. The chapter concludes that those without functioning amygdala don’t experience the fear that most others do.

The fourth chapter invites readers to identify the basis of their anxiety, with much of it involving the amygdala, the cortex, or both. Different types of activation can occur, experienced as thoughts or images, that can make the amygdala activate the stress response. The authors provide several exercises regarding left and right-hemisphere-based anxiety and that humans may miss many opportunities for anxiety-free moments by pondering that which may never occur. They further describe obsessions and compulsions, the former being uncontrollable repetitive thoughts or doubts and the latter being repeated actions to calm anxiety.

The second part of the book provides more exercises for readers to control their anxiety, the first involving recognizing the stress in response to one’s anxious reactions and that panic attacks are the most unpleasant overactivation of the stress response. The fifth and sixth chapters elaborate on exercises such as various techniques of deep breathing, muscle relaxation, and medication, with visualization mentioned as a supplement. The authors advise readers to set aside time each day to focus on these efforts to counter anxiety and the physiological responses the central nucleus of the amygdala initiates.

Chapter seven focuses on triggers, where the lateral nucleus, the decision-making part of the amygdala, determines whether there should be a reaction to sights or sounds. Humans learn to fear triggers associated with unpleasant events, whether one causes an unfortunate experience. The authors define a trigger as an anxiety-provoking stimulus, such as a sensation, object, or event, one initially neutral, which wouldn’t cause fear or anxiety for most people. They advise retraining the brain, such as experiencing triggers in different situations, starting with those that interfere with daily life.

The eighth chapter says that while one cannot easily erase the emotional memory that the amygdala forms, it is possible to develop new connections there to compete with those leading to fear and anxiety. The authors then discuss exposure-based treatment, with the amygdala needing to have experiences to rewire, being a “no pain, no gain” situation. They also stress that medications can assist in exposure or make it harder for the amygdala to learn. Furthermore, a hierarchy consisting of a rank-ordered list of steps to learn new responses to different situations is the key to exposure therapy.

Chapter nine mentions the necessity of exercise and sleep for anxiety recovery, confirmed by scientific studies. Utilizing the muscles in different ways, say the authors, can reduce the influence of the amygdala, with aerobic exercise the most helpful in that it uses the large muscle groups in rhythmic movement at moderate intensity. Regarding slumber, most people know that getting good sleep makes them more refreshed and alert, with sleepless nights being detrimental and slumber a luxury for many. In the end, good habits regarding sleep and exercise can strongly influence the amygdala.

The tenth chapter discusses thinking patterns that result in anxiety, with people able to influence the underlying neurological processes leading toward the condition. The authors stress that the central approach of cognitive therapy is that some cognitions are either illogical or unhealthy and can intensify unhealthy behavioral or mental patterns. The chapter provides several exercises that involve changing one’s interpretations of situations and assessing pessimistic tendencies, with optimism tending to occur in the brain’s left hemisphere and pessimism in the right. The writers conclude by stressing that while one can’t change subconscious thoughts, one can be vigilant about those that often contribute to cortex-centric anxiety.

Chapter eleven discusses various methods to calm one’s cortex, with significant differences between thoughts about events and the events themselves. The authors indicate that those who take thoughts and feelings at face value and believe them will find it harder to rewire their cortexes to resist anxiety. The cortex, they continue, is a “busy, noisy” place often laden with ideas and feelings lacking basis, and they suggest that people develop skepticism about that part of their brain. The writers return to medication, with certain ones being helpful toward changing a person’s thought patterns. They conclude that anxiety isn’t within conscious control and that mindfulness can help accept it.

Overall, while there are some techniques I already know about, this book is an informative resource on how to deal with anxiety and is recommended reading for those who suffer from mental problems as I do. However, as an autistic adult, the authors don’t mention that mental subgroup within the book, and advice for those on the spectrum would have been welcome. Regardless, the educational tidbits about the functions of certain parts of the brain, where anxiety originates, and how it travels through the nervous organ are insightful, and psychology students would probably benefit from the book as well.

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theradicalchild: (J. Jonah Jameson)
Factfulness: Ten Reasons We're Wrong About the World – and Why Things Are Better Than You ThinkFactfulness: Ten Reasons We're Wrong About the World – and Why Things Are Better Than You Think by Hans Rosling

My rating: 4 of 5 stars


This book chiefly by the late Swedish statistician Hans Rosling is written in his voice but the effort of three individuals, including his son Ola Rosling and daughter-in-law Anna Rosling Rönnlund. The main author begins by explaining why he loved the circus, mainly because he loved seeing the seemingly-impossible, and when studying medicine, a lecture on how the throat worked inspired him to become a sword swallower. The author posed several fact-based questions to different groups, with most answering incorrectly, in fact with chimpanzees actually scoring better, along with random answering.

The author notes that extreme poverty has halved during the past twenty years, that politicians tend to make policy based on outdated, incorrect facts, with the media not responsible for distorted worldviews. World leaders at a United Nations conference also had mixed results on answering fact-based questions. Rosling indicates that most of the world population lives in middle-income countries, and that the world improves yearly. He uses pictures to illustrate several points, and indicates that the human brain is the product of millions of years of evolution. The book is the author’s last resort to battle global ignorance, to form views based on a fact-based perspective.

The author started his battle against global misconceptions in October 1995, using the child mortality rate to illustrate a point, and indicates how many see the world as being divided into two, how people tend to see things in black and white. He notes that the child mortality rate is at its highest in tribal societies and traditional farmers in remote rural areas, although fewer now live in such conditions. He indicates that the world is not nearly as divided into two as it was twenty years ago, and that low-income countries are more developed than we think, using a basis on four different income levels.

He indicates he had a near-death experience when he was four years old, and battles the misconception that the world is getting worse, that people tend to notice the bad more than the good. There are indeed many things wrong with the world, and notes how one can use statistics as therapy, indicating that there are many improvements that rarely get reported, such as the extreme poverty rate around the world has been falling since 1800. The average life expectancy around the world today is 70, and he indicates that every country world around the world has improved theirs in the past two centuries.

The author battles the mega misconception that the world population is just “increasing and increasing,” and notes that there will be the same number of children in 2100 as in 2000, with the world population eventually slowing down, and that the growing population is because there will be more adults. Since 1800, world population remained stable, with most children dying before becoming adults. He indicates that the connection between religion and babies per woman is not terribly impressive, and indicates that more survivors will lead to fewer people. He indicates things such as Bangladeshi children can expect to live 73 years, with the number rising since the country’s independence.

The author discusses a 1975 plane crash, and thought it was a Soviet invasion. He notes that negative news is the kind people tend to process, that plane crashes are today far less common than people think, with negative news tending to be more reported today than positive news. He indicates that life on Levels 3 and 4 are less physically demanding and people can afford to protect themselves against nature, although such biological memories tend to do more harm than good. He notes that the death rate is always higher when disasters hit countries on Level 1 such as Nepal, due to poorly-constructed buildings, poor infrastructure, and poor medical facilities.

The author indicates how he counted the death of children in Mozambique in the early 1980s, and indicates that people tend to get things out of proportion. He indicates that to control the size instinct, people need to use two main tools, comparing and dividing. He notes that to avoid misjudging something’s importance, to avoid lonely numbers, since they tend to get reactions, and talks about a hospital bombing during the Vietnam War. He further talks about deaths caused by axe and a bear attack, along with the major coverage of the swine flu despite the relative low death toll.

Rosling talks about an experience with African poverty and how they had served gross food, indicating that everyone automatically categorizes and generalizes all the time. He notes how it is better to use the four levels rather than “developing” and “developed”, noting a project called Dollar Street as an alternative to visiting poor nations. He notes five ways to keep questioning your favorite categories: looking for differences within and similarities across groups, beware of the “majority” (which just means more than half), beware of exceptional examples, assume you are not “normal”, and beware of generalizing from one group to another.

The author indicates that Africa has been making steady progress, that cultures, nations, religions, and people are in constant transformation. One of the things that I largely disagree with the author about is his total failure to mention abstinence as a perfectly legitimate form of birth control, although he does make some good points, noting that slow change is not no change, that societies and cultures are in constant movement. He notes that knowledge has no sell-by date, to constantly refresh your knowledge. He also suggests talking with grandparents to compare your life with how theirs was.

Rosling has a humorous anecdote that forming an opinion through the media alone would be like judging him based on a picture of just his foot, that people find simple ideas attractive. He notes that experts and activists have limitations, with some of the former even scoring badly on fact-based questions. He notes that numbers are not the single solution, that we should be highly skeptical of conclusions derived purely from number crunching. He indicates that medical professionals can become very single-minded about medicine, or even a particular kind of medicine.

The author discusses the blame instinct, which involves finding a clear, simple reason for why something bad has happened, that to understand most of the world’s significant problems, we have to look beyond a guilty individual and to systems instead. When something goes well, we’re also quick to give credit to individuals or simple causes, when again the reasons tend to be more complicated. Blame games often reveal our preferences, and that businesses can sometimes be “the good guys”. Journalists too take blame for not reporting “the truth”, although Rosling notes that journalists and filmmakers know no more than the general public.

Rosling talks about the urgency instinct, how some things make us want to take immediate action in the face of a perceived dangers. He notes five global risks of which were should have genuine worry, including global pandemic, financial collapse, world war, climate change, and extreme poverty. He indicates that people need to recognize when decisions feel urgent and remembering that they rarely are. The book was written before COVID struck, although much of what the author says definitely rings true, that we need things like the Olympics, international trade, and educational exchange programs.

The author talks about how the concept of factfulness saved his life when he and a teacher faced angry villagers in the Democratic Republic on Congo were misunderstanding about his investigation of the disease konzo, that he just needed to test blood. He indicates that one can practice factfulness in education, in business, in journalism, in our organizations or communities, and as individual citizens. He notes that children need to learn about life on the four different income levels, that most Western employees in large multinationals and financial institutions still operate to deeply rooted, outdated, and distorted worldviews. Journalists, activists, and politicians also suffer from dramatic worldviews, and that people are ignorant of facts on a global level.

The book began in September 2015, with the author getting pancreatic cancer and dying in 2017, his son and daughter-in-law continuing his work. All in all, it was definitely an illuminating read that definitely gives me a more optimistic view of the world, despite some kinks that we genuinely need to work out, and while there are things that I definitely disagree with the author about, he definitely does make valid points, and that we very much need to develop fact-based viewpoints. As the late Daniel Patrick Moynihan said, “Every man is entitled to his own opinions, but not his own facts”.

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